Strasbourg – Relations between Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and the European Union are growing increasingly strained, with potential political consequences for Serbia’s ruling party. “As the European People’s Party leader, I will initiate a scrutiny process about Vučić and his party being part of the EPP family,” President Manfred Weber announced on 9 September during a press conference on the margins of the European Parliament’s plenary session.
The move follows days of mounting tension between EU institutions and the Serbian president, fuelled both by his closer alignment with the Russia–China axis—underscored by his warm words for Vladimir Putin at the Second World War victory parade in Beijing—and by his harsh attacks on MEPs who met protesters in Belgrade on 5 September.
“This is creating a divide within the EPP family,” said the leader of the centre-right European party, who also recalled that Serbian president’s absence from the EPP Congress in Valencia last April had been his “free decision,” as all leaders of member and associate parties were “equally invited.” Stressing that the EPP does “not turn a blind eye” to developments in the EU candidate country, German MEP Weber indicated that scrutiny of the the associate membership “will take place in the coming days.”
The affiliation of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS)—an associate member of the centre-right European political party since 15 November 2016—can be suspended or revoked according to the internal Code of Conduct. Should there be concerns about a party violating core EPP values, the Ethics Committee may recommend suspension pending investigation. The Political Assembly is responsible for deciding whether to revoke a member’s rights to vote, speak, propose candidates, or attend meetings, with immediate effect. Ultimately, the Assembly may expel the associate member based on the committee’s findings and recommendations.
Vučić, “we have a problem”
After months of cooling political relations, tensions escalated during the visit of two Greens representatives—Greek co-president Vula Tsetsi and Danish MEP Rasmus Nordqvist—to Belgrade to show solidarity with protesters facing increasing police repression. On 5 September, they held a press conference in the National Assembly alongside the co-presidents of the Green-Left Front, calling for fair and free elections. Later that evening, in a televised address, Vučić repeatedly referred to the two Greens as “scum” who “support violence” in Novi Sad and Belgrade, and threatened to prosecute them for “trying to demolish Serbia from the outside.”
In response, the European Greens stated that “threats will not deter us.” Moreover, on 9 September, a panel discussion was held at the European Parliament, organised by the Greens/EFA, the Socialists and Democrats, and Renew Europe groups, together with representatives of the Serbian opposition, ahead of the plenary debate on the same topic. “Peaceful protest is not a crime. It is the foundation of democracy,” said Slovenian MEP Vladimir Prebilič (Greens/EFA) during the event, recalling the “determination” of young protesters who ran 2,000 kilometres in May to bring their voice to the EU institutions.
At the same time, tensions are also escalating with the European Commission, which has been very cautious since the beginning of the protests in condemning Vučić’s regime. “In Belgrade, we have a problem,” warned Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos on 8 September in Vienna. “When members of the European Parliament are called scum, it reveals a questionable understanding of democracy,” she added, urging Belgrade’s institutions to “focus on the EU reforms,” which could also be “a possible way out of the crisis.” These include strengthening the independence of the judiciary, fighting corruption, reforming electoral law, and ensuring media freedom. “People have the right to protest,” she stated.
Almost a year of protests in Serbia
Following the collapse of Novi Sad’s railway station canopy on 1 November 2024—resulted in 16 deaths—a wave of mass protests erupted across the country. After students were attacked in Belgrade during a silent tribute to the victims, blockades of educational institutions began on 22 November at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts, with other faculties and high schools joining in soon after.
The level of organisation behind the protests has reached remarkable heights all over the country. Universities are occupied, with decisions made through grassroots democracy in student plenums. Schools at all levels are either closed or holding discussions between teachers, parents, and pupils on the state of democracy and education. Every day at 11:52 a.m.—the time of the Novi Sad tragedy—students block major crossroads in Belgrade and in the other cities, observing 16 minutes of complete silence. People of all ages join their marches and urge to continue.
It is clear that President Vučić’s regime cannot meet the students’ anti-corruption demands without jeopardising its own survival. Take the Novi Sad railway station, for example—reopened just months before the tragedy after a three-year renovation by a consortium of Chinese companies. Yet, no public information is available on the tender or the project behind the infrastructure.
Repression has intensified after huge protest in Belgrade on 30 June, when dozens of students and citizens were beaten and arrested. Starting from 13 August, pro-government loyalists have staged counter-demonstrations, attacking protesters with the backing of police officers, who have also deployed stun grenades and tear gas. At a press conference on 17 August, President Vučić threatened “extraordinary measures” against protesters demanding his resignation, and welcomed Russia’s pledge to assist its Serbian partner.
However, Serbian students see the EU prioritising economic interests over core democratic values. The lithium extraction project in the Jadar River Valley is the most frequently cited example. The EU-Serbia Memorandum of Understanding on lithium, signed in July 2024, concerns the extraction of a resource crucial to the EU automotive sector’s green transition from one of the world’s largest deposits. More than just an economic deal, it exposes the nature of Vučić’s grip on power and the European Commission’s vulnerability, which gave the green light to the Jadar Mine as an EU strategic raw materials project on 4 June 2025.
