Brussels – In the end, the Serbian students made it. After running nearly 2,000 kilometres—starting in Belgrade over two weeks ago—they arrived in Brussels on 12 May, in the heart of the European Union. Yet the EU continues to struggle to respond to months of calls for respect for the rule of law in Serbia.
EU, Where Are U?, European Union, stand for your values! Support Serbian students in fight for democracy, transparency and justice. And again: The adventures of Tintin [a famous Belgian comic series, ed] in the land where corruption kills [alluding to accusations against President Aleksandar Vučić, ed].
The urgency—matched with creativity—expressed in these protest slogans reached the European capital on a spring afternoon, as a group of determined young people completed their cross-continental run. They came seeking solidarity for a civic struggle aimed at putting Serbia back on a democratic track.
The Serbian students’ ultramarathon
On 25 April, a group of Serbian students set off from Belgrade on a 1,933-kilometre relay ultramarathon, aiming to raise awareness among the public and EU institutions about Serbia’s ongoing democratic backsliding and the increasingly authoritarian drift under President Vučić. Under the slogan From My Village to Brussels, the students reached Brussels after 18 days of running. There, they are expected to deliver letters detailing the domestic political crisis, triggered by the collapse of the roof at Novi Sad railway station on 1 November 2024—a tragedy that claimed 16 lives and became a symbol of state negligence and corruption.
Since then, mass protests have erupted across Serbia, fuelled by widespread anger over corruption, media censorship, violations of the rule of law, and electoral fraud. Students have taken a leading role in the movement, launching a series of initiatives to keep international attention focused on the crisis. One such effort saw 80 students cycle from Serbia to Strasbourg, arriving at the Council of Europe headquarters on 15 April after a 13-day journey.
“We are running for democracy—but also for our future,” one of the students told The New Union Post, breathless after completing the final stretch from the Belgian city of Liège. The group was welcomed by two cheering lines of supporters—mainly members of Belgium’s Serbian community, though not exclusively—on a red carpet rolled out at the Schuman roundabout, in front of the European Commission and Council buildings, to the rhythm of protest songs that have become the soundtrack of demonstrations back home. One song stood out above all: Pump It Up, now a symbol of student resistance to Vučić’s rule (Pump it up until it bursts, read one placard).
The students have scheduled a series of institutional meetings in Brussels, beginning with Members of the European Parliament. On 13 May, they will meet with the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC), followed on 14 May by discussions with the Commissioner for Democracy, Michael McGrath, and the Commissioner for Enlargement, Marta Kos. “The Commission will listen to the students’ message, requests and concerns,” said Guillaume Mercier, spokesperson for Enlargement, at a press briefing in Brussels. “We are committed to working together on Serbia’s path to EU accession and on key reforms—with all those who are willing to engage in that effort.”
The support of the European Parliament
“Many of the students’ demands directed at the Serbian authorities mirror the European Union’s core accession criteria: combating corruption, upholding the rule of law, and ensuring media freedom,” said Tonino Picula, the European Parliament’s rapporteur for Serbia, during the plenary debate in Strasbourg on 6 May.
As stated in the report approved by a broad majority, MEPs expressed deep concern over “the delayed response and lack of accountability” by the Serbian authorities, as well as “the slowness of the investigation and the lack of transparency in the aftermath of the tragedy” caused by the collapse of the Novi Sad railway station canopy on 1 November 2024. They are calling for “a full and transparent judicial process” and a “thorough examination” of how corruption “led to the lowering of safety standards and contributed to this tragedy.”
The concerns raised by the students—and now echoed by the European Parliament—point to deeper systemic problems: the erosion of civil liberties, the weakening of institutional checks and balances, widespread corruption, and a lack of environmental and financial transparency. “The students’ calls for reform are closely aligned with the steps Serbia must take on its European path,” the report stressed.
The text also highlights serious breaches of fundamental freedoms, including allegations of “unlawful crowd-control methods,” physical violence against peaceful demonstrators, intimidation by security forces, “the misuse of personal data held in public registers for retaliatory purposes,” and “increasing political and financial pressure” on teachers and academic staff. In response, the European Parliament urged EU institutions and Member States to “continue to monitor closely the ongoing legal proceedings related to the protests.”
Looking ahead, Picula emphasised the importance of understanding the students’ next steps. “We have questions, because we don’t yet know what the next chapter will be: how will the students organise themselves?“ he said. While parts of the movement are beginning to call for new elections, “it remains unclear” under what circumstances political activity will be organised. The Croatian MEP will participate in the democratic dialogue with student leaders in Brussels, aimed at gaining insight into their plans—and exploring “how we can support them.”
What is happening in Serbia
Following the collapse of Novi Sad’s railway station canopy on 1 November 2024—resulted in 16 deaths—a wave of mass protests erupted across the country. After students were attacked in Belgrade during a silent tribute to the victims, blockades of educational institutions began on 22 November at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts, with other faculties and high schools joining in soon after.
The level of organisation behind the protests has reached remarkable heights all over the country. Universities are occupied, with decisions made through grassroots democracy in student plenums. Schools at all levels are either closed or holding discussions between teachers, parents, and pupils on the state of democracy and education. Every day at 11:52 a.m.—the time of the Novi Sad tragedy—students block major crossroads in Belgrade and in the other cities, observing 16 minutes of complete silence. People of all ages join their marches and urge to continue.
It is clear that President Vučić’s regime cannot meet the students’ anti-corruption demands without jeopardising its own survival. Take the Novi Sad railway station, for example—reopened just months before the tragedy after a three-year renovation by a consortium of Chinese companies. Yet, no public information is available on the tender or the project behind the infrastructure. Repression has intensified with a crackdown on NGOs and the deployment of a ‘sonic cannon’—a device capable of causing pain, dizziness, and hearing damage—against hundreds of thousands of people observing a 15-minute silence in Belgrade on 15 March.
The lack of support from Brussels for the movement advocating the rule of law in Serbia is widely seen as prioritising economic interests over core democratic values. The lithium extraction project in the Jadar River Valley is the most frequently cited example. The EU-Serbia Memorandum of Understanding on lithium, signed in July 2024, concerns the extraction of a resource crucial to the EU automotive sector’s green transition from one of the world’s largest deposits. More than just an economic deal, it exposes the nature of Vučić’s grip on power and the European Commission’s vulnerability.
