Brussels – Over seven months of relentless student protests against democratic backsliding and the authoritarian tendencies of President Aleksandar Vučić have shown that social unrest and anger in Serbia are both real and deeply rooted—far from a passing phase.
Despite mounting police repression and violence, as witnessed last week in Belgrade where dozens of students and citizens were beaten and arrested, the protests have maintained their momentum. Looking ahead, even if these demonstrations do not achieve immediate success, “this is a generational change, and it will be very difficult to stop,” says Nina Vujanović, affiliate fellow at the Brussels-based economic think tank Bruegel, in an interview with The New Union Post.
Drawing on an analysis she co-authored, Vujanović highlights a frequently overlooked aspect that explains why these protests are unprecedented and poised to have an impact for decades to come. “We wanted to investigate other systemic issues that give young Serbs reason to be angry, such as the labour market, which is a crucial part of people’s lives,” she explains.
While the main focus of the protests remains the erosion of democratic standards, lack of transparency, and widespread corruption, the economic and social implications of an “unfair” labour market for young people stem “precisely from the demands,” as they call for “a country that values knowledge and education, not obedience.” In other words, they are rejecting an unjust labour market that forces many to seek opportunities abroad, especially to the EU.
The reasons for disillusionment
Using several official data, Nina Vujanović and her colleague Nina Ruer examined how labour market conditions fuel youth disillusionment and anger. “When we looked into the data, we saw that there is a big elephant in the room.” A significant share of the population—around 41%—is considering moving abroad for work, with every second migrant from Serbia choosing Germany or Austria as their destination.
The first key factor to consider is the unemployment rate. In 2023, the overall rate stood at 9.4%, but for young people aged 20 to 29, it was nearly double, at 18.3%. Vujanović points out that while youth unemployment is a challenge in many European countries, “the gap between youth and overall unemployment rates in Serbia is particularly wide.”
Another concern is the generational divide in educational attainment, “possibly due to changes in the education system over recent decades.” Approximately one third of 20- to 29-year-olds have tertiary education, compared with just 18% of those over 55. Yet, despite their higher qualifications, “young people are also more likely to hold insecure or temporary contracts,” with over 70% of young workers accepting temporary contracts “because they cannot find permanent employment,” Vujanović continues.
Finally, one in five people in this age group is neither employed nor in education or training (NEET). Among them, 23% express no belief in the existence of a fair labour market. As the Affiliate Fellow at Bruegel highlights, “this signals a significant level of disengagement.” Not to mention that the inactivity rate is consistently higher among women, and the gender gap widens with age. Among those aged 20 to 24, the gap is around 1%, but it rises to 8.3% for those aged 25 to 29, “and it continues to grow in older groups, exceeding 10%.”
Taken together, the broader picture of Serbia’s labour market—marked by high unemployment and an average monthly wage of around €900—helps explain widespread scepticism. “It is understandable why there is mistrust in whether knowledge and education are genuinely valued by the system,” Vujanović concludes.
A threatening future for the whole country
When analysing this data, it is crucial to remember that we are talking about Generation Z—a generation that has grown up differently from those before it. With constant access to the internet and a wide range of media sources, “it is very difficult to deceive them, as they can base their views on diverse information,” and they are “less tolerant of things they do not agree with—or when there are genuine reasons for dissatisfaction,” Vujanović notes.
Together with Millennials, Generation Z is expected to make up two-thirds of Serbia’s labour force in the near future. “Over time, they will play an increasingly decisive role in the country’s economy.” This is yet another reason why listening to—and responding to—students’ protest demands “is essential.” As digital natives, more exposed to technology than any previous generation, “research shows they will be in demand in the labour market due to their digital skills, which are increasingly important” for the twin transition (digital and green) currently underway across the continent.
Given this projected demand for a specialised workforce, and the evident discontent among young people, the country faces a real risk of losing this vital generation. “If these young people don’t change Serbia—which is their ultimate goal—they will change Serbia for another country,” Vujanović warns.
The potential consequences are serious. To succeed in the twin transition, Serbia must invest in its human capital—particularly as an EU candidate country, at a time when the EU is prioritising growth driven by radical innovation. However, the country lags behind, remaining a production-based economy where firms typically innovate incrementally—by purchasing new machinery, equipment, or external know-how—rather than through more costly, research-led radical innovation. As Vujanović puts it, “from a long-term perspective, retaining this more educated and digitally skilled generation is not only important—it is essential.”
For all these reasons, the Affiliate Fellow at Bruegel is confident that “change will happen.” This younger generation, she argues, will play “a more decisive role in society” and will represent “a larger share of the Serbian population,” while also having access to diverse media and the ability to “easily inform themselves.”
What is happening in Serbia
Following the collapse of Novi Sad’s railway station canopy on 1 November 2024—resulted in 16 deaths—a wave of mass protests erupted across the country. After students were attacked in Belgrade during a silent tribute to the victims, blockades of educational institutions began on 22 November at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts, with other faculties and high schools joining in soon after.
The level of organisation behind the protests has reached remarkable heights all over the country. Universities are occupied, with decisions made through grassroots democracy in student plenums. Schools at all levels are either closed or holding discussions between teachers, parents, and pupils on the state of democracy and education. Every day at 11:52 a.m.—the time of the Novi Sad tragedy—students block major crossroads in Belgrade and in the other cities, observing 16 minutes of complete silence. People of all ages join their marches and urge to continue. On 12 May, a group of students ran nearly 2,000 kilometres—from Belgrade to Brussels—to raise awareness among the public and EU institutions.
It is clear that President Vučić’s regime cannot meet the students’ anti-corruption demands without jeopardising its own survival. Take the Novi Sad railway station, for example—reopened just months before the tragedy after a three-year renovation by a consortium of Chinese companies. Yet, no public information is available on the tender or the project behind the infrastructure. Repression has intensified after the latest huge protest in Belgrade on 30 June, when dozens of students and citizens were beaten and arrested.
The lack of support from Brussels for the movement advocating the rule of law in Serbia is widely seen as prioritising economic interests over core democratic values. The lithium extraction project in the Jadar River Valley is the most frequently cited example. The EU-Serbia Memorandum of Understanding on lithium, signed in July 2024, concerns the extraction of a resource crucial to the EU automotive sector’s green transition from one of the world’s largest deposits. More than just an economic deal, it exposes the nature of Vučić’s grip on power and the European Commission’s vulnerability, which gave the green light to the Jadar Mine as an EU strategic raw materials project on 4 June 2025.
