Brussels – For North Macedonia, 2026 is set to be another year of wait and hope. At least for civil society, which has been waiting for years for the start of EU accession negotiations in the hope of seeing a breakthrough on the internal reform front. Yet the prospect of further disappointment already looms large.
“It is concerning that North Macedonia is no longer a prominent topic in EU discussions,” says Sanela Shkrijelj, a policy and gender equality consultant who served as Chief of Cabinet in the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy and then as Deputy Minister from 2017 to 2020, and as a member of parliament until 2024, speaking with The New Union Post. “Now more than ever, the EU should be present, supporting civil society in a context of funding cuts, to help the country remain on track towards EU accession.”
While there is currently a momentum in Brussels for EU enlargement with Montenegro and Albania, Shkrijelj warns of the risk that “this window of opportunity could close again for a certain period.” In a scenario in which the EU is not sufficiently present in the candidate country, “we see other interests already stepping in,” she continues, pointing to North Macedonia drifting towards the so-called ‘Serbian world’, as was already highlighted in the country’s European Parliament latest report. “We are all aware that Russia ultimately stands behind this influence.”
A way forward?
“I truly want to believe so,” Shkrijelj says when asked whether she still believes the EU could move forward with the start of accession negotiations with North Macedonia. “Like me, the majority of citizens in North Macedonia still see the EU as the only viable option.”
However, on the ground, the situation is far from promising. “I am not sure whether politicians in Brussels fully understand that if the EU is not sufficiently present here, a vacuum will be created – and someone else will fill it.” This is a pattern that is already emerging, she argues, as the country is “heavily influenced” by Russian structures, with the Serbian Orthodox Church operating as a proxy across the region.
“The issues in the Western Balkans will not be resolved magically” simply by Albania and Montenegro joining the EU, as “everything is deeply interconnected in this region, particularly the extent to which Serbia influences other countries.” For this reason, the former Macedonian deputy minister makes it clear that without integrating the entire region into the EU, “we cannot speak of stability – not only in the Western Balkans, but across Europe as a whole.”
For this to happen, Skopje must adopt the constitutional amendments on the protection of national minorities required under the EU negotiating framework, recognising in particular the Bulgarian minority after the bilateral dispute with Sofia was incorporated into the accession process. “Everyone is aware of the conditions, and no rational person believes that the framework can be changed,” Shkrijelj states plainly, noting that “at some point constitutional changes will need to be made.”
While the current VMRO-DPMNE-led government is “unlikely to adopt the constitutional changes during this mandate” – as it has no intention of making concessions on this bilateral issue with Bulgaria – the former MP member of the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM) reveals that there is already a discussion about “a strong possibility” that early parliamentary elections will be called.
A matter of rule of law
North Macedonia’s EU accession path has been delayed not only by bilateral disputes but also by a lack of progress on internal reforms. “We need comprehensive reform of the judicial system and of the functioning of institutions, as they are not fully operational and are often used as instruments of political parties.” These, according to Shkrijelj, are the key priorities in terms of the rule of law.
Describing corruption as the result of dysfunctional institutions, she explains that “for decades, public administration has been treated as a space where political parties, when they come to power, employ people who will vote for them, rather than recruiting on the basis of merit and competence.” This is why an overall reform of the system must be undertaken “not because the EU demands it, but because we genuinely need a functional state.”
Drawing on her experience as a member of parliament, Shkrijelj argues that “it is all about political will.” If political parties agreed that the rule of law and corruption are the country’s biggest challenges and genuinely wanted to address them, “much more would have been done.” This lack of political will to take concrete steps is reflected in the “scarce results” of the Reform Agenda, despite the fact that it is linked to the disbursement of funds under the EU’s Growth Plan. “We are experiencing a never-ending period of transition.”
On the legislative front, there was “considerable improvement” under the previous socialist-led government: the adoption of a non-discrimination law, gender equality legislation aligned with EU standards, and the ratification of the Istanbul Convention. “These were important political messages to marginalised groups, women and girls in the country – that the government was addressing the challenges and risks they face,” the former MP notes.
Implementation, however, is another matter. “We are witnessing a backlash,” Shkrijelj warns, referring to “concrete steps” aimed at rolling back previously progressive legislation. One example is the “strong pressure” exerted by the anti-gender movement – “often aligned with pro-Russian parties” – on several education laws related to gender equality and non-discrimination, with the support of some representatives of the ruling right-wing party. “They focus on patriotic rhetoric about having more children, but nobody is seriously addressing the reasons why young people are leaving the country and choosing not to start a family.”
A similar tendency can be observed in economic policy. The minimum wage “is no longer a priority,” trade unions “are not respected as partners by the government, unlike the Chamber of Commerce and large companies,” salaries are not rising in line with the cost of living, and inflation remains high. Furthermore, a shift in investment priorities away from the social sector and the development of social services has resulted in “a reduction of benefits for the most socially vulnerable groups.”
As part of civil society, Shkrijelj notes the shrinking space “particularly in the fields of human rights and women’s rights.” For example, when amendments to education laws were being prepared, “no civil society representatives were consulted,” she recalls. The overall openness and transparency of institutions are “major concerns,” as the 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International confirms.
The state of EU-North Macedonia relations
North Macedonia’s application for EU membership was submitted in March 2004. EU candidate status was granted in December 2005. In April 2018, the European Commission issued a recommendation to open accession negotiations with Skopje.
However, due to deteriorating relations with Bulgaria, the negotiations stalled as a result of Sofia’s veto in the Council. A breakthrough occurred in the summer of 2022, thanks to a French initiative that led to the signing of a bilateral protocol by both Bulgaria and North Macedonia. On 19 July 2022, the first intergovernmental conference took place in Brussels.
Skopje’s negotiating framework stipulates that the opening of Cluster 1 – ‘Fundamentals’ is conditional upon constitutional amendments guaranteeing the protection of minorities in North Macedonia, particularly the Bulgarian one. This is why Sofia has continued to veto the first formal step of the accession negotiations. On 25 September 2024, when the Council positively assessed Albania’s alignment with the opening benchmarks for the first cluster of chapters, the so-called ‘package approach’ (which had linked the two dossiers from the very beginning) was broken, leaving North Macedonia behind.
