Brussels – It is only a hypothesis, a worst-case scenario with no official confirmation. But the way national interests can prevail over the EU enlargement process has already caused enormous damage, and at this point no risk can be underestimated. Even more so when those who could face a blockage unrelated to their own merits or shortcomings are almost at the Union’s doorstep.
Spain’s push to have Catalan, Basque and Galician recognised as official EU languages could clash with Montenegro’s EU accession, as the government in Madrid wants the three-year-long dispute resolved before new members join the Union and force Brussels to add further official languages.
No official statements have been released, but the position expressed by Secretary of State for European Affairs Fernando Sampedro Marcos at the latest General Affairs Council meeting on 22 September, suggests that the possibility of such a condition being attached to progress in the enlargement process cannot be completely ruled out.
It is true that Sampedro Marcos made it clear that Spain will remain “a staunch advocate” of an EU enlargement process in which “institutions remain close to the citizen” – which implies that the languages of candidate countries will “of course be added to the list of official EU languages.” However, he immediately linked this to “the point we have raised regarding the recognition of linguistic rights in the context of enlargement” – that is, precisely the EU dispute stemming from Madrid’s governing coalition agreement in 2023.
“Forty years after Spain’s accession to the European Union, it is time to put an end to the discrimination suffered by 20 million Spaniards,” Sampedro Marcos stated, insisting that these 20 million people are treated differently “in comparison with other Europeans who have more than one official language.” The implication is that Spain does not want this “discrimination” to continue through a new wave of enlargement that would bring further official EU languages. “We hope that this recognition can take place before the languages in question [those of potential new members, ed.] can be added to the list of official languages of the European Union.”
The Spanish position – implicitly intertwining the enlargement process with the internal debate over official EU languages – caused discomfort in several capitals, with Sweden, Germany and Lithuania publicly warning against the dangers of “a bilateralisation of European integration,” as German Minister of State for Europe Gunther Krichbaum put it.
Could Spain be the latest obstacle to EU enlargement?
Bulgaria with North Macedonia. Hungary with Ukraine. Greece with Albania. Croatia with Montenegro. The recent history of EU enlargement is full of examples of how member states rely on their veto power to put their own national interests ahead of a common process that has been stuck since 2013. Not to forget that Spain is one of the five EU countries that do not recognise Kosovo’s independence – again linked to internal issues of separatism, especially in Catalonia – causing its application bid to stall since December 2022.
Despite the risks that can arise at any time in the Council, it does not seem likely that Spain will block Montenegro’s final steps towards EU accession. An official from Montenegro confirmed to The New Union Post that Podgorica does “not see this as blackmail from Madrid.” While understanding that the recognition of Catalan, Basque and Galician as official EU languages is “of first-class importance” for the government led by Socialist Pedro Sánchez, the two issues are “not a zero-sum game” and can proceed “in parallel” – meaning that, by the time Montenegro joins the EU with its own language, “this issue will probably be resolved.”
Montenegrin Minister of European Affairs Maida Gorčević also confirmed recently that her Spanish counterpart assured her that “this issue does not mean any derailment of Montenegro’s accession” and that “he fully believes” that Catalan, Basque and Galician are going to become the 25th, 26th and 27th EU official languages “before or at least at the same time as Montenegrin.”
As soon as Podgorica joins the Union, Montenegrin needs to become an EU-recognised official language, because there is a linguistic difference with Croatian that has legal implications. Although the two languages share the same roots and are mutually intelligible, the specific terminology used in Montenegro’s legal system is “substantially” distinct and not interchangeable. In other words, by adopting Croatian – which is already an EU official language – Podgorica would be forced to adjust all its legislative and legal texts to a language that is not even co-official in the country.
As The New Union Post understands, the EU institutions are already hiring linguist-jurists in Montenegrin. Meanwhile, Minister Gorčević recalled that Chapter 34 (Institutions) is still open, with the work focused on completing the translation of the EU acquis – “the primary legislation by the end of this year” and the rest of the directives and regulations “by the date we join the EU.” And to avoid any misunderstanding about potential Spanish-style risks, she made clear that the other languages used in Montenegro – Serbian, Bosnian and Albanian – “should become EU official languages as soon as their respective countries join the Union.”
Despite this not-so-bleak picture emerging from Podgorica, the risks cannot be underestimated until the accession process is fully completed. While acknowledging that recognising the three Spanish co-official languages as new official EU languages “would contribute to bringing the Union closer to its citizens and deepen civic engagement”, Berta López Domènech, Policy Analyst at the European Policy Centre (EPC), argues that conditioning progress on enlargement on this internal issue reflects “the member states’ mismanagement of the process over the years.”
Speaking to The New Union Post, López Domènech explains that this has “negative implications not only for candidates but also for the EU“. On the one hand, it undermines the credibility of the merit-based character of the enlargement process, calling into question the Council’s genuine commitment to it. On the other hand, it weakens both the legitimacy of Spain’s demands and its role as a constructive EU member. “This dynamic should end,” she urges. “Enlargement should stop being used as a battlefield for the member states’ national agendas.”
The state of EU–Montenegro relations
Montenegro submitted its application for EU membership in 2008. Candidate status was granted in June 2010, and accession negotiations began in 2012. To date, all 33 screened negotiating chapters have been opened, and 18 have been provisionally closed.
Moreover, in June 2024, Podgorica received a positive Interim Benchmark Assessment Report (IBAR), indicating that it has met the interim benchmarks in Chapter 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and Chapter 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security) – a prerequisite for closing chapters deemed ready for provisional closure.
On 22 April 2026, the EU ambassadors endorsed the establishment of the Ad Hoc Working Party on Drafting the Accession Treaty, which started working on 13 May. On 30 June, the European Commission presented the proposal for the financial package for Montenegro’s accession, amounting to €3.2 billion.
Montenegro is considered the most advanced country in the EU enlargement process, with the aim of closing all chapters by the end of 2026.
