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Iceland will vote on reopening EU accession negotiations on 29 August

A positive outcome of the referendum would give Prime Minister Frostadóttir the mandate to resume and conclude the process frozen since 2013. Commissioner Kos welcomed the news from the "strong and trusted partner," stressing that the accession talks "always reflect the specific realities of each candidate country"

The New Union Post by The New Union Post
7 March 2026
Reading Time: 5 mins read
Kristrún Frostadóttir EU Iceland

Brussels – The date has now been set. Following the earlier indications from Iceland’s Prime Minister, Kristrún Frostadóttir, the government in Reykjavík has officially called a referendum on reopening EU accession negotiations. The vote will take place on 29 August.

Kristrún Frostadóttir Ursula von der Leyen EU Iceland
From left: the prime minister of Iceland, Kristrún Frostadóttir, and the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen (Brussels, 14 January 2026)

“This is a referendum on whether we can finish the dialogue – not whether we are joining,” Frostadóttir made clear, describing the referendum as a “crucial moment” for the country, in line with the governing coalition’s goal already set out in December 2024.

As indicated on the dedicated page of the Icelandic government’s website, “if the outcome of the referendum is a resumption of negotiations, and negotiations are subsequently concluded, there will then be a second referendum putting the question to the Icelandic voter whether Iceland should, in fact, join the EU.”

Iceland applied for EU membership in 2009 but froze negotiations after the 2013 elections, sending a letter to Brusselsrequesting that it no longer be considered an applicant country. However, Reykjavík never formally withdrew the application – as Switzerland did in 2016 – meaning the bid is still considered “legally valid, while dormant.”

“Accession negotiations always reflect the specific realities of each candidate country,” said Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos, welcoming the decision of the “strong and trusted partner” in Reykjavík. As a “significant decision” lies ahead for Icelandic voters, Kos stressed that the EU offers “an anchor in a community of values, prosperity and security” in a world that is “changing fast.”

What if the “yes” wins?

Opinion polls suggest a narrow preference for joining the EU, with 44-45% of respondents in favour and 35-36% opposed. A recent poll conducted by the market research company Gallup in early 2026 shows the two sides level at 42%, with 16% of the electorate still undecided.

“If Icelanders were to decide to resume negotiations, it would be a matter for EU Member States to consider and determine the next steps,” the government in Reykjavík explains.

When accession negotiations were frozen in 2013, 28 out of the 33 chapters had been opened, with 11 provisionally closed. For this reason, the government considers itself to be “very well equipped to take on a merit-based membership process,” also highlighting the “vibrant democracy” of a candidate that “shares values with the EU, with extensive alignment in areas such as foreign policy and financial regulation.” Iceland also has “long-standing experience” in implementing EU legislation and policies through the EEA/EFTA cooperation.

As Eiríkur Bergmann, Professor of Politics at Bifröst University, told The New Union Post, although Iceland can be considered a “de facto member of the EU,” it does not sit at the EU table “where the decisions that we accept under the agreements are made.”

Two factors are driving the debate on EU membership: monetary policy and security. First, as the Icelandic króna fluctuates “significantly,” joining the Eurozone may address the challenges faced by a small economy, including high living costs. Second, “Trump’s ambiguity regarding the defence commitment,” together with repeated threats to annex neighbouring Greenland, are leading the country to rely more on Europe.

As Bergmann explained, two key issues are likely to influence the vote. The first concerns sovereignty and independence, as “Icelanders believe that national identity does not fit very well within a supranational institution like the EU.” Above all, however, “the real problem is always the fisheries policy.” A country that “basically survives on fisheries” cannot accept the Common Fisheries Policy as it currently stands and, he argues, “if the EU wants Iceland as a member, they need to offer a solution from the outset.” Otherwise – as happened in 2013 – leaving the issue until the end of negotiations “poisons all the internal debate here in Reykjavík, to the point that the talks cannot continue.”

The state of EU-Iceland relations

Iceland applied for EU membership in 2009 and began accession negotiations the following year. However, following the 2013 general elections, Reykjavík froze the negotiations and, two years later, sent a letter requesting that the EU no longer consider Iceland an applicant country.

Despite this, it remains closely linked to the EU through its membership in the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement, which unites all 27 EU Member States with the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries – Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway – in the Single Market.

Iceland is also a member of the Schengen Agreement, giving its citizens the right to travel without a passport within the area, and is a signatory to the Dublin Regulation on asylum policy. As a member of the Arctic Council, Reykjavík supports the EU’s bid for formal observer status. Additionally, Iceland participates in a wide range of EU policies, agencies, and programmes, covering areas such as enterprise, environment, education and research, competition policy, state aid, social policy, consumer protection, tourism, and culture.

Trade relations between Iceland and the EU are primarily governed by the 1972 free trade agreement and the EEA Agreement, which extends the Single Market to EFTA countries. As the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy and Common Fisheries Policy are not included under the EEA Agreement, Article 19 provides the legal basis for establishing rules to progressively liberalise agricultural trade on a mutually beneficial basis.


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