Brussels – On 1 July 2026, the Irish Presidency took over from Cyprus at the helm of the Council of the European Union for the next six months. From the delicate issue of opening all the accession clusters with Ukraine and Moldova to bringing Montenegro’s process to the finish line and starting to close negotiating chapters with Albania, another intense six months lie ahead for EU enlargement.
“For Ireland, there is a clear understanding that our EU membership was really important for our transformation, not only for the economy but for society as a whole,” said Ambassador Aingeal O’Donoghue, Permanent Representative of Ireland to the EU, on the eve of the start of the Irish Presidency. “This is still a very prominent and genuine view – that we had this opportunity and we need to open the door to others to ensure they have the same.”
Under the motto Strength with unity, Dublin promises to “work towards the completion of accession negotiations with Montenegro, and seek to make substantial progress in negotiations with Albania, Moldova and Ukraine,” according to the programme. In particular, support for Ukraine will be “a defining horizontal priority” within the three pillars of the Irish Presidency – competitiveness, values and security.
EU enlargement on the Irish Presidency’s agenda
“We see the enlargement process as a key expression of our values, and as an investment in peace, security, stability and prosperity across Europe,” states the Irish Presidency’s programme. While “our fellow Europeans in candidate countries can benefit from the advantages of EU citizenship,” the entire Union as a whole “will be strengthened by the political, economic, social and cultural contributions that new member states bring.”
The “ambitious” EU enlargement agenda, which aims to “prepare the ground for the first accession of new member states since 2013,” will be dealt with by the General Affairs Council. The Irish Presidency “will work closely with all candidate and potential candidate countries” with a “merit-based” approach, prioritising the completion of negotiations with Montenegro and advancing the drafting of its Accession Treaty.
“Swift progress” is also promised in Albania‘s negotiations – which aims to start closing accession chapters – as well as for Ukraine and Moldova, both waiting for the formal opening of the remaining five clusters. “What we can control is what is on the Coreper agenda and how many resources we can put into the enlargement process,” Ambassador O’Donoghue said. “But what we cannot control are the views of the other members – we will talk with all of them and try to move things forward.”
It is worth highlighting the mention of the referendum in Iceland on resuming EU accession talks – which is planned for 29 August and, if a positive outcome comes out, it will be for the Irish Presidency to deal with the reassessment of the 11 chapters provisionally closed before negotiations were frozen in 2013, as well as the work on the chapters that have yet to be opened.
The General Affairs Council will also be responsible for ensuring that the EU’s structures and processes are “fit for purpose and enable us to continue to deliver positively for our citizens.” The Commission’s communication on pre-enlargement policy reviews is finally on the horizon, while the 27 EU member states will continue discussing ideas and proposals aimed at bringing candidate countries closer to the EU, simplifying the accession process, and introducing stronger safeguards in the Accession Treaties.
Not to forget another outstanding mission for the Irish Presidency. “We will work to communicate the benefits of enlargement, both to citizens of candidate countries and within the Union.” The main challenge identified in Dublin is “countering disinformation and malign external influences that seek to destabilise” the Western Balkans and the Eastern Neighbourhood regions.
Drawing from the Cyprus Presidency’s ‘negobox’, the Irish Presidency will have to “intensively” pursue agreement on the 2028–2034 Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), including on the new Global Europe Instrument, which will finance EU enlargement within a single funding envelope for external action. The goal is to hand over “a sufficiently advanced negotiating box” to the President of the European Council “so that EU leaders can take the necessary decisions” about the EU’s future financing by the end of 2026.
At the Foreign Affairs Council, the “Union’s unwavering support” for Ukraine in the face of Russia’s war of aggression will remain “the major foreign policy priority.” This will be reaffirmed by maintaining pressure on Russia “via robust sanctions in close coordination with like-minded partners” and ensuring that Ukraine continues to have access to the support and finance that it needs, including “political, military and financial support, and progress towards Ukraine’s membership of the EU.”
In this framework, the Irish Presidency will work both to ensure the “swift disbursement” of the Ukraine Support Loan and to proceed with Kyiv’s “full integration” into EU defence initiatives “with the same access” as the 27 EU Member States, also through a “strategic review” of the EU’s Military Assistance Mission. The ultimate goal is always “a sustainable peace agreement” in Ukraine.
EU engagement will also be supported in other countries in the Eastern Neighbourhood – including with Moldova, “a candidate for EU membership,” as well as with Belarusian civil society and democratic opposition and the South Caucasus, namely Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan.
The Economic and Financial Affairs Council will continue to implement financial support for Kyiv – including Ukraine’s longer-term reconstruction – and take stock of the economic and financial consequences of the war, while also including “the provision and monitoring of European and international financial support.”
Finally, the Justice and Home Affairs Council will be asked to work on the continued activation of the Temporary Protection Directive for Ukrainian refugees, as well as to develop the framework for “a coordinated, fair and effective exit strategy” to bring temporary permissions to “a managed conclusion.”
