Brussels – As per German tradition, Berlin has once again taken the lead in the EU enlargement process. With a proposal put forward by Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Germany is now pushing Brussels to consider a new way of reconciling the urgent geopolitical necessity of bringing Ukraine into the Union with the determination to avoid watering down the formal criteria for accession.
“Enlargement of the European Union is a geopolitical necessity,” he wrote in a letter addressed to the leaders of the EU institutions, stressing that the process itself “takes much too long” and that “understandably, this creates frustration” both among candidate countries and within certain member states.
But what is this “new dynamic for Ukraine as well as for the Western Balkans and Moldova” all about?
Merz’s proposal for Ukraine
Chancellor Merz’s big proposal of an “associate membership” is intended as a way out of the Ukrainian impasse. Kyiv is aiming to sign the Accession Treaty by 2027, but under the current framework this appears almost impossible, even if the new Hungarian government led by Péter Magyar were to lift the veto on the opening of accession talks imposed by former Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.
While Ukraine is making “significant progress” in the informal accession negotiations launched in March 2026 and the European Commission “rightfully ranks the country among the leading frontrunners,” the German chancellor acknowledges that “it is obvious” the Union will not be able to complete the accession process any time soon – meaning within several years – given both the “countless hurdles” involved and the political complexities of ratification processes within current member states.
As has become increasingly clear in Brussels over recent months, Ukraine’s accession process is becoming ever more closely linked to a future peace settlement with Russia. For this reason, Merz calls on the EU to “boldly move on” with Kyiv’s integration through “innovative solutions as immediate steps forward,” without abandoning the prospect of full membership, by formally opening all negotiating clusters “immediately and without delay.”
Discussions on a new model of integration have already begun at the informal European Council meeting in Cyprus on 23–24 April, together with President Volodymyr Zelensky. “I suggest further discussing the idea of what I call an ‘associate membership’ for Ukraine,” the German chancellor’s letter reads. “It would not be a membership-lite, but would go far beyond the existing Association Agreement and further accelerate the accession process.”
The proposal is based on the idea that Brussels can already take a unique step to involve Kyiv in the EU’s “substance and structures,” given the “particular situation the country has been forced into.” This would be “a political solution” – bringing Ukraine “substantially closer to the European Union and its core institutions immediately, without affecting the ongoing accession negotiations” — rather than an institutional overhaul. No ratification of an Accession Treaty (under Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union) or any treaty changes would be required, but “merely a strong political agreement.”
According to Chancellor Merz, the status of “associate member state” could include several benefits and exceptions, in line with this tailored political approach. Ukraine could participate in European Council and EU Council meetings without voting rights, be represented in the European Commission (without portfolio or voting rights), in the European Parliament (without voting rights), and in the European Court of Justice through an associate judge (formally an “assistant rapporteur”).
The EU budget “would not immediately apply in full” to Ukraine, but programmes could be introduced on a “step-by-step basis, in line with progress” in the accession negotiations and subject to safeguard clauses. The same gradual approach would apply to the adoption of the EU acquis – “not automatically, but following approval by the Council.” A concrete security guarantee would be the extension of the mutual defence clause under Article 42(7) of the Treaty on European Union to Ukraine, while a safeguard for the EU would be a “snap-back mechanism” (or sunset clause) “in the event of backsliding on fundamental values or of regression in the accession process.”
Such an approach would bring Ukraine “immediately closer to full membership,” as the EU could, in the short term, offer “a substantial equivalent to membership that goes far beyond what we could deliver in the medium term through our accession methodology,” while the formal accession process would continue in parallel. Merz is “well aware” that this proposal will raise “a number of questions” regarding its political, technical, and legal feasibility. “But I am convinced that all these questions can be resolved if we take a constructive approach towards this special status,” he wrote in the letter.
Merz’s proposal for the other candidates
To avoid any risk of double standards, Merz’s letter does not overlook the other candidate countries, which “must not and will not” be affected by this new associate-membership model tailored for Ukraine. “We should stand firm in our promise that the Western Balkans countries and Moldova can join,” and that the EU’s goal of completing enlargement with the inclusion of all candidates “has not changed.”
However, this commitment is unlikely to be sufficient for countries that have been waiting at the EU’s door for over two decades. For this reason, the German chancellor proposes “innovative solutions” that could accelerate their accession process, broadly in line with Ukraine’s approach but through different tools.
For Moldova and the Western Balkans, “privileged access to the Internal Market” could represent an initial step forward, alongside closer ties with EU institutions in day-to-day decision-making. For example, Merz suggests “granting observer status to Western Balkan countries in all relevant EU institutions” – similar to the model already in place at the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) – as well as holding joint sessions of the Commission or Parliament with representatives of the six partners on issues “directly related to the region.”
Another proposal involves the “gradual integration” model explored by Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos. This could be structured through “building blocks” that would form the basis for the full application of individual policy areas, while candidates are supported through enhanced assistance in implementing the acquis. In addition, institutional integration could be strengthened “on the basis of substantive progress” in the reforms required for full membership.
When all this could be discussed
Chancellor Merz aims to “reach an agreement soon, and to establish a dedicated task force to work out the details” within the Council. These proposals may be discussed at the European Council on 18–19 June, even though EU enlargement is not currently on the leaders’ agenda.
However, informal discussions are already taking place and, if momentum for a formal debate emerges in the coming weeks, European Council President António Costa may decide to add the item in order to assess political will at the highest level.
Meanwhile, the Cyprus Presidency of the Council will continue its contacts with the 27 EU governments to place the opening of accession talks with Ukraine (and Moldova) under Cluster 1 – ‘Fundamentals’ on the agenda of the relevant Council preparatory bodies before the end of June. Once there is consensus among member states, the issue will be brought forward for a final agreement on the negotiating mandate, paving the way for ad hoc intergovernmental conferences (IGCs).
