Brussels – More than the European Political Community, more than the Eurovision Song Contest. As Canada pushes for closer relations with Europe with an intensity never seen before and now considers the possibility of seeking an “associate member” status with the European Union, the example of this integration may surprisingly come from two European microstates – San Marino and Andorra.

Just days before his speech to the European Parliament’s plenary session, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s plans for potential negotiations with Brussels on a special status with the EU, aimed at establishing closer political ties with the Union and full access to the Single Market, have come to light. Perhaps he did not realise that “the 2.0 version of integration without EU membership” already exists.
As Francesco Maiani, Associate Professor of European Law at the University of Lausanne, explained to The New Union Post, the new agreements between the EU and Andorra and San Marino – expected to be signed in late September – are “tailored partnerships” for specific third countries wishing to participate fully in the Single Market without joining the Union or existing highly developed arrangements such as the European Economic Area (comprising Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein).
With Brussels requiring the third country to organise the transposition of EU law, the conclusion of these agreements is “significant beyond the importance of the relations” between the two microstates and the EU, Maiani notes. These agreements may offer a model for a very peculiar third country like Canada – which is not even European – to pursue deeper integration into a market of 450 million people, as they represent “a further step that the EU is able to establish a more stable and comprehensive model of full participation in the Internal Market.”
The new EU–Andorra and EU–San Marino Association Agreements are significant because they go much further than a normal free-trade agreement. They create a structured relationship in which the two countries become “associated States” while remaining outside the Union.
In practice, the core of the agreements is the participation of Andorra and San Marino in a homogeneous extended Internal Market, covering the four fundamental freedoms – the free movement of goods, services, capital and persons – while their national legislation is progressively aligned with the EU acquis so that their economies can operate in a way similar to those of EU member states.
At the same time, the two partners remain outside the European Union and its institutions, with mechanisms allowing them to participate in the preparation and implementation of EU legislation relevant to the association. They can also participate in areas beyond the core Single Market, such as research, education, culture and other EU programmes and policies.
Each agreement replaces and expands the pre-existing, fragmented agreements that both countries have with the European Union, which depend on their relations with the relevant Member State or States: San Marino with Italy, and Andorra with France and Spain.
What Canada could take from these agreements when considering an EU “associate member” status is the model of a country-specific and progressive arrangement. While for Andorra and San Marino this approach was required by their small size and existing relationships with neighbouring EU Member States, Canada may consider it in light of its geographical position and the particularity of not being a European country, while having converging interests that go beyond the scope of a simple bilateral free-trade agreement.
Deepening the EU-Canada relations
Since the beginning of the second Trump administration, both Canada and the EU have been affected by the US president’s constant threats and unpredictability. Despite being their oldest and closest ally, the United States under Donald Trump can no longer be fully trusted, opening the door to a closer and stronger relationship between Brussels and Ottawa.
EU accession remains highly unlikely, as Canada is not a European state and there is currently no political will to pursue a broader interpretation of Article 49 of the Treaty on the European Union that would include the North American country. However, Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos suggested already in April 2026 “special partnership agreements” with a country that “does not want or cannot” become a member of the EU, but is “valuable to us.”
A survey published on 14 September 2026 found that 49% of Canadians believe their country should join the European Union, compared with 30% who believe it should not. Support rises to 80% when it comes to deepening strategic cooperation with the EU on foreign policy, defence and economic priorities.
As Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly, Professor of Public Policy and Jean Monnet Chair at the University of Victoria, told The New Union Post, the gradual shift towards closer alignment between Brussels and Ottawa has already begun, with the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement signed in 2016. “There are many countries that are closely aligned with the EU without being members,” he noted, urging policymakers to focus their efforts “on the many policy areas where cooperation on budgets and regulations is possible.”
Education, security and trade are among the areas where EU-Canada relations hold significant potential for growth. Yet it is political and policy cooperation that could move things faster and take them deeper. Canada has strengthened its institutional ties with the EU through regular meetings between its parliamentarians and senators, Members of the European Parliament and EU officials, as well as through its participation in the European Political Community summit in 2026. “Trump’s joke – which is no longer a joke – about Canada becoming the 51st US state has upset many Canadians,” Professor Brunet-Jailly remarked.




























