Brussels – When it rains, it pours. As the EU leaders removed the only two significant passages setting out a timeline for Montenegro’s accession from the European Council’s conclusions on EU enlargement and reforms, Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković made it clear that the bilateralisation of the accession process with Podgorica is far from over.
“We have identified specific points that Montenegro must address, as they are part of the European values that the country is expected to adopt upon its future accession to the EU,” the Croatian leader said on the margins of the summit in Brussels.

Plenković himself took credit for removing the timelines for Podgorica from the summit’s conclusions, in order “to convey a clear, realistic message to our Montenegrin counterparts” that the few outstanding issues “must be resolved” before dates can be set for the closure of chapters and the ratification of the Accession Treaty, he stated.
Two diplomats told The New Union Post that a few more countries had not needed to expose their scepticism, thanks to Croatia taking the blame, while other capitals – including Berlin and Vienna – regret or are even furious about the derailment of the ambitions of the Western Balkans’ most advanced candidate country.
This is nothing entirely new in the delicate relations between Zagreb and Podgorica, but Plenković has publicly illustrated the eight-point list of conditions that the neighbouring country must meet to secure the closure of two negotiating chapters. This is the same dynamic that has emerged repeatedly in the EU enlargement process – more recently, Hungary with Ukraine and Bulgaria with North Macedonia – and that continues to resist calls to put an end to the bad habit of elevating bilateral disputes between countries to the EU level.
“Despite a difficult legacy, we have approached Montenegro in a very constructive manner,” Plenković said, clarifying that six of the eight points concern Chapter 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and two concern Chapter 31 (Foreign, Security and Defence Policy). “We want Montenegro to make further progress in the EU accession process, but also to resolve issues relating to good-neighbourly relations, the rule of law and European values.”
Croatia’s eight points on Montenegro’s EU path
Regarding Chapter 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights), three of the points concern one of the most infamous episodes involving Montenegrin soldiers serving in the Yugoslav People’s Army during the Yugoslav Wars, alongside Serbian forces – the operation of the Morinj prison camp until August 1992, where around 300 Croatian prisoners of war were detained.
Zagreb is demanding compensation for former detainees, the installation of a memorial plaque at the site of the former detention camp, and the renaming of the municipal swimming pool in Kotor, which was named after Zoran Džimi Gopčević, one of Yugoslavia’s best water polo players, but also one of the guards at the Morinj camp.
The other three points in this chapter concern the prosecution of war crimes, unresolved property rights issues affecting Croats living in Montenegro, and information about 14 missing persons “we are searching for – information that Montenegro should possess,” Plenković emphasised.
Regarding Chapter 31 (Foreign, Security and Defence Policy), the two issues relate to the succession to the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia following its dissolution and the emergence of the newly independent states. Between Zagreb and Podgorica, the succession-related issues include the demarcation of the border on the Prevlaka peninsula and ownership of the training ship Jadran, which was registered in the port of Split and later sent to Tivat for repairs before the break-up of Tito’s Yugoslavia.
“Unfortunately, Montenegro has yet to make any progress” on any of the eight points, Croatian Prime Minister Plenković warned, recalling that the institutions in Podgorica are “well aware of all these issues” – from President Jakov Milatović and Prime Minister Milojko Spajić down to the relevant ministers.
On 12 October, during the press conference at the end of the 29th Accession Conference, Montenegrin Prime Minister Spajić said he was “absolutely certain” that the two countries had “enough strength and belief in a better European future” to reach compromises “to the happiness of both sides.”
Although “there are a lot of bilateral issues,” Spajić recalled that “we have almost daily discussions and bilateral talks,” especially between the two foreign ministers – Montenegro’s Ervin Ibrahimović and Croatia’s Gordan Grlić-Radman – who are using “all the opportunities they can to physically meet and to discuss all the open issues.”
The state of EU–Montenegro relations
Montenegro submitted its application for EU membership in 2008. Candidate status was granted in June 2010, and accession negotiations began in 2012. To date, all 33 screened negotiating chapters have been opened, and 21 have been provisionally closed.
Moreover, in June 2024, Podgorica received a positive Interim Benchmark Assessment Report (IBAR), indicating that it has met the interim benchmarks in Chapter 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and Chapter 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security) – a prerequisite for closing chapters deemed ready for provisional closure.
On 22 April 2026, the EU ambassadors endorsed the establishment of the Ad Hoc Working Party on Drafting the Accession Treaty, which started working on 13 May. On 30 June, the European Commission presented the proposal for the financial package for Montenegro’s accession, amounting to €3.2 billion.
Montenegro is considered the most advanced country in the EU enlargement process, with the aim of closing all chapters by the end of 2026.

































