Chișinău – Three institutions, 281 experts, and 148 parliamentarians and staff—including seven MEPs and seven advisers from the European Parliament. The international observation mission for the 2025 elections in Moldova showcases the enormous apparatus behind the deployment of election observers, who monitor polling stations worldwide to ensure the fairness of the electoral processes.
But what does an election observer do in practice? In Chișinău, The New Union Post spoke with MEP Dan Barna, Renew Europe’s Vice-President, in his role as a member of the European Parliament’s delegation to the OSCE/ODIHR mission for the elections on 28 September, to shed light on the work of these international observers.
The work of an election observer
“The main challenge for election observers is to understand precisely whether the electoral process is legal and properly conducted,” Barna explains, at the margin of the preparatory session held on the eve of the vote by the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), the institution of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) responsible for monitoring the fairness, transparency, and inclusiveness of elections in its participating states since 1991.
The European Parliament has taken part in OSCE/ODIHR election observation missions since 1993, beginning with Russia’s first parliamentary elections after the collapse of the USSR. Since then, it has regularly contributed delegations of MEPs and staff, working alongside the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) and the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA).
“For election observers, it is crucial to collect data and facts in order to form a fair and accurate understanding of the broader context in which the elections are held,” Barna says, stressing the importance of the groundwork carried out before Election Day.
The observation process begins with a preparation phase, during which “we have the opportunity to meet with local stakeholders,” Barna explains. These include NGOs involved in the electoral process, political parties, candidates, and the authorities responsible for organising the elections, each presenting their views on whether the process is well organised. “In a democratic environment, it is normal for the opposition to raise concerns about the government, which, in turn, responds and defends its actions.”
All of this feeds into the final report, the ‘masterpiece’ of every OSCE/ODIHR mission, published after Election Day. The report has two main components. The first focuses on the general context, “based on the accounts of long-term observers who follow media coverage, press releases, and communications from the government and political parties” during the three to six months leading up to the vote.
The second centres on Election Day itself, when observers are deployed in teams of two or three across the country. “We monitor multiple polling stations, assessing whether voting access is free, procedures are followed, and the secrecy of the vote is ensured.” Finally, the findings from all observers are compiled “through an electronic system,” which processes reports from each polling station and identifies any specific issues within the overall process.
“It is not rocket science,” Barna says with a smile when asked how difficult it is to be part of such a large operation. However, the real challenge lies in adhering to the principle of “refraining from any political comments” while monitoring the entire electoral process “with fairness.” As he carefully underlines, “this role requires attention and seriousness.”
The Election Day, hour by hour
For an international observer, Election Day starts early. Referring the schedule in Moldova—which is similar to other missions—Barna anticipates that “by 6:30 a.m. we need to be at the polling stations to assess the opening procedures.” Election observers check that ballot boxes are empty and sealed, that ballot papers are properly distributed, and that voting begins “at 7:00 a.m. sharp.”
The work continues throughout the day, with election observers moving from one polling station to another, “spending around 20 to 40 minutes at each to observe the process“—whether everything runs smoothly, whether there are tensions or problems, and whether signatures are correctly recorded by the responsible officials.
By evening, attention turns to the closing procedures. “A little before 9:00 p.m., we return to the polling stations and remain for the count,” Barna continues. Election observers ensure that every step is carried out according to procedure: unused, annulled, and valid ballots are carefully tallied; results for each party are entered in the official report; and the total number of votes matches the number of ballots in the box.
In short, “each group observes one polling station for the opening, about a dozen during the day, and then another for the closing.”
The 2025 elections in Moldova
In his role as a member of the OSCE/ODIHR mission, Barna is careful to refrain from political comments. Yet assessing the significance of the vote in Moldova does not conflict with this principle. “These elections are critical because they will determine the future direction of Moldova for at least the next 10 years,” he makes it clear. The choice is clear: either continue along the European path set by the current government, or move closer to Russia. “It is, therefore, a decision about the country’s strategic direction.”
Barna’s impression is that “society is engaged and citizens are fully aware of what is at stake in these elections.” Yet, given the two clearly defined political directions and the broader context, “some polarisation is understandable.”
Tensions have been heightened by the decision to bar two pro-Russian parties—Greater Moldova, led by former prosecutor Victoria Fortună, and Heart of Moldova, led by Irina Vlah and part of the Patriotic Bloc—a few days before the vote, following accusations of voter bribery, illegal party financing, and money laundering. “We met with the President of the Central Electoral Commission, who explained the decision and the legal basis,” Barna says.
Moreover, amid Russia’s interference and propaganda campaigns, another concern is the possibility of violent protests after the elections, aimed at destabilising the pro-European government and undermining Moldova’s democratic process and sovereignty. Not only in Moldova but also in Serbia, several people have been arrested for allegedly training Moldovan and Romanian citizens to violently resist Moldovan police in the event of urban unrest. “I hope for a voting day that is as safe and as smooth as possible,” Barna concludes.
