Brussels – 2026 could mark a decisive turning point not only for the Serbian students’ protests but for the country as a whole. Early elections do not yet appear to be on the horizon – President Aleksandar Vučić is unwilling to risk losing power at the ballot box – yet beneath the surface the renewed dynamism within the universities is evolving into something more explicitly political.
“The Student List is an idea that emerged over time as a natural and logical consequence of developments, and it only made sense to take that step once the majority of people had also supported changing our form of struggle,” says Aleksa Popović, a representative of the students at the Faculty of Organisational Sciences at the University of Belgrade, in a long interview with The New Union Post.
This surge of political energy does not betray the original aims of the protests – the struggle against the dramatic erosion of the rule of law in the country – nor does it undermine the need to “maintain an ideological minimum that would be inclusive of all citizens,” who can agree that “they want to see change.”
This is why no EU flags are visible at student rallies, and why there is reluctance to say more about what the movement’s position on the EU would be if it were to come to power. However, as Popović notes, visits to several European capitals over the past year – including Brussels – are “a good indicator that this movement is not only Serbian, but European as well”, given that many of the student movement’s core values “overlap with European values”.
Towards early elections
“We demanded parliamentary elections because, in our semi-presidential system, parliament is the institution that enjoys the greatest trust among the people,” Popović explains when asked about the importance of early elections at this stage. So far, no concessions have been made by President Vučić, who is responsible for calling them. In Serbia, the President of the Republic not only exercises executive power jointly with the government but is also meant to embody the unity of the people. “That clearly no longer applies, and we felt that urgent change was necessary.”
Meanwhile, Serbian students are preparing politically in anticipation of parliamentary elections, whenever they may be called. The Student List has not yet been unveiled, in order to shield those selected to represent it from psychological pressure or physical threats by the regime.
While the final list has yet to be published, the selection criteria are clear. “Each faculty was allocated a number of slots proportional to its size, which ultimately adds up to 250,” the total number of seats in the National Assembly. The list also complies with gender equality standards, ensuring a “balanced composition” of male and female candidates. Additional mechanisms – still being finalised – will determine “the right of veto” over certain candidates from other faculties.
As for the candidates themselves, their selection was based on “a list of requirements” that had to be met in order for them even to be considered. “We wanted people who had supported us from the very beginning, who have an impeccable political record, and who would represent us in the best possible way,” Popović explains.
Direct democracy within universities
All of this takes place within the broader framework of decision-making in each university faculty across the country, a process that has been in place for over a year. “Before the start of each plenum, we define and vote on the agenda,” Popović explains. Once the agenda is adopted, “we can begin the discussion and voting, point by point,” with a minimum time allocated for each item and the right to participate in the discussion and vote granted to “anyone with a valid student ID.”
Over time, students have refined these procedures of direct democracy. “Once we vote on all agenda items, we pass our decisions on to the higher bodies” responsible for issues affecting all faculties collectively. At umbrella meetings, “we can forward our joint decisions to the public.”
As Popović notes, while this process may not always be the fastest, decisions are based on “quality rather than quantity.” Furthermore, the elements of direct democracy adopted by the students have been “adapted and modernised” to meet their needs, making them “as efficient as possible.”
The support of Serbian society
Following the increased police brutality against demonstrators in June 2025, “the crowd has been fired up even more,” showing that support from Serbian society overall has not diminished, despite no signs of change in the political arena. “We are a deeply divided people, standing at a crossroads between dictatorship and democracy,” Popović warns.
“The people have shown that they cannot be pacified, and brutality has not succeeded in driving us off the streets.” Although numbers are no longer what they were a year ago, the desire of the people to see a change of government “has never been stronger.” Every day, new initiatives and organisations built around the values of democracy and solidarity emerge, showing that “this is no longer just a student movement, but a people’s movement.”
This is why, according to Popović, once elections are called, “the whole of Serbia will take to the streets” and make it clear that “we have suffered, waited and endured enough, because of a minority that is doing everything it can to prevent Serbia from moving forward.”
