Brussels – The landslide victory of Prime Minister Albin Kurti leaves no room for doubt. The snap elections held on 28 December – the second vote in this turbulent year for Kosovo – have decisively shown who will lead the country after nearly a year of political and institutional stalemate, opening new momentum in the country. However, the way forward is far from clear.
“Kurti has to balance the promise of not compromising [towards Serbia and the issue of north Kosovo, ed.], which helped him win the elections, with the EU and the US expecting a partner willing to work with them and find some compromise,” says Dan Ilazi, Head of Research at the Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS/QKSS), commenting on the snap election results for The New Union Post.
With 99% of ballots counted, preliminary results show Vetëvendosje (VV) surging from 42.3% in last February’s elections to 49.3%, giving its leader Kurti several options to secure a parliamentary majority. With 56 projected seats and the majority threshold at 61, the caretaker prime minister can rely on most of the 10 reserved seats for non-Serb ethnic communities.
Kurti’s cooperative tone in his victory speech suggests he could even consider including one of the two main opposition parties in government – the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) or the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK). From approving the 2026 budget to finalising two key agreements that would unlock €900 million under the EU’s Growth Plan, Kurti will need broader consensus. “But I do not think he will rush to invite the opposition to form a coalition now,” Ilazi predicts, noting that the opposition “is not going to object” to such crucial financial decisions.
What happened in the 2025 Kosovo snap elections?
On 28 December, around 900,000 Kosovars cast their votes – out of 1,999,204 eligible voters – to elect the new composition of the 120-member National Assembly. Turnout stood at 45.03%, up from 40.59% in the parliamentary elections of February 2025. It should be noted that the diaspora vote has yet to be counted, which has traditionally benefited Prime Minister Kurti’s Vetëvendosje.
Vetëvendosje and its allies – centre-right Guxo!, liberal Alternativa, and the Albanian Christian Democratic Party (PSHDK) – are expected to secure at least 56 seats in the next Parliament. The Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) is projected to finish second with 21% of the vote, while the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) fell from 18.27% in February to 13.57%. Of the other parties, only the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) – which ran alone this time – is above the 5% threshold required to enter Parliament (winning 5.68% of the vote).
Of the 20 seats reserved for national minorities, Lista Srpska – the dominant Serb party aligned with Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić‘s interests – remains the leading force among the 10 seats reserved for the ethnic Serb minority. However, former minister Nenad Rašić’s party, For Freedom, Justice and Survival (SPO), could secure the tenth seat.
Although “a bit surprising in terms of how high support for Kurti was,” the results are “very clear,” KCSS/QKSS’s Ilazi notes, emphasising that “the opposition parties have no room to form an alternative,” despite their election campaigns focused on restoring relations with the US and EU and promoting economic growth.
To explain the outcome – compared with February’s elections and the months that followed – Ilazi points to Kurti’s “resolute” work in northern Kosovo, which many voters may have seen as “a solution to the problem with Serbia.” The strong turnout among “very nationalistic” diaspora voters who travelled to Kosovo could also have contributed. Moreover, Ilazi observes that “both candidates from PDK and LDK were largely seen as technocrats and failed to convince citizens of their capability to take responsibility,” missing the chance to present “a bolder political vision” for the future of Kosovo.
What to expect now
“I think Kurti already realises that continuing his current approach will only deepen Kosovo’s isolation,” Ilazi says, reflecting on the potential impact of the snap election results on relations with the EU and US. “Judging from his victory speech, he appears more willing to build consensus,” perhaps having understood the consequences and ramifications of an uncompromising stance on the international stage. With the EU’s punitive measures scheduled to be lifted by the end of January 2026, “he might choose to adjust his approach – and he could surprise.”
Yet on the EU and US sides, “their stance may remain unchanged, and they will likely want evidence of this shift from Kurti,” Ilazi warns, noting the risk of “returning to confrontation.” Vetëvendosje’s campaign slogan was “no compromise,” and if Kurti doubles down on this message during his third term, “Kosovo will become even more isolated.”
The coming weeks will provide the first indications of Kurti’s approach, starting with decisions on the composition of the new governing coalition – whether or not it includes one of the opposition parties.
In any case, all eyes will turn to the next presidential elections in March 2026. According to the Constitution, at least 81 members must be present and voting in the first two rounds. “Here, I see two paths for Prime Minister Kurti,” Ilazi predicts. “Either he invites one of the opposition parties to join the government, or he seeks a candidate who can secure some opposition support.” The major wildcard remains the current president, Vjosa Osmani, seeking a second term. “It will be crucial to see how many opposition MPs – particularly from LDK – in the new parliament remain loyal to her,” he adds.
